China and Russia Reshape Global Order While Democracy Continues Rising

American political scientist Steven Levitsky pointed out in a media interview today that the rise of China and Russia over the past decade has significantly redrawn the geopolitical map of the globe. Beijing's rapid expansion in the economic, military, and diplomatic spheres has continuously increased its influence in Asia and globally, while Moscow has reshaped the European security environment through energy supplies and military intervention, particularly its aggression against Ukraine. The expansion of influence by these two major powers has provided a model for other authoritarian regimes to emulate and lean upon, giving them new political backing when facing domestic and external pressures. Levitsky warned that if left unaddressed, this "China-Russia model" could generate a ripple effect among developing countries, weakening the international community's joint defense of freedom and human rights.

However, Levitsky also emphasized that compared to the world before the millennium, the total number of global democracies has currently shown an upward trend. According to multiple international indicators, since 2000, several countries in Africa and Latin America have completed the transition from authoritarian systems to multi-party systems, and mature democratic systems have also consolidated in East Asia, such as in South Korea and Japan. Despite instances of democratic backsliding in recent years, such as the institutional weakening in Turkey and Hungary, overall, the global proportion of democracies remains higher than the level of the year 2000. This trend indicates that the international community still possesses a certain degree of momentum and a positive cycle in promoting political freedom.

Levitsky further pointed out that modernization and economic development are the fundamental sources of resilience for wealthy democracies. Past research shows that increases in national income are often accompanied by rising education levels, the circulation of information, and the expansion of civil society, factors that together reinforce the internal defense mechanisms of democratic systems. Taking the United States, most European countries, as well as Japan and South Korea as examples, economic prosperity provides governments with greater fiscal space in providing public services and social welfare, thereby reducing the soil for social discontent and political polarization. In contrast, resource-dependent countries or those with singular economic structures are often prone to power concentration and institutional backsliding due to a lack of diverse industries and a supportive middle class.

In the Asia-Pacific region, Taiwan's situation is particularly representative. Since the 1990s, Taiwan has completed the full transition from authoritarianism to a mature democracy and achieved notable success in information technology and high-value-added industries. Such an economic structure has not only enhanced the quality of life for its citizens but has also deeply rooted the democratic system across all levels of society. Faced with China's military and diplomatic pressure, Taiwan's democratic resilience has become one of the core arguments for international support. Against this backdrop, democratic allies such as the United States and Japan have continued to strengthen their ties with Taiwan through economic cooperation and security commitments, attempting to offset the geopolitical challenges posed by China and Russia through a dual binding of institutions and interests.

From a broader perspective, Levitsky's views remind policymakers that countering the influence of China and Russia is not merely a military or diplomatic contest, but is also a competition of economies and systems. If wealthy democracies can continue to promote economic innovation and enhance education and information freedom, they will form a structural defense against the authoritarian model in the long run. Conversely, if economic stagnation or intensifying social polarization occurs within democratic countries, it could weaken their systems' self-healing capacities, giving opportunities to countries like China and Russia. Therefore, the future international order largely depends on whether countries can maintain a positive interaction between economic development and democratic governance, and build a more resilient global governance framework upon this foundation. (Source of facts: Central News Agency)